Kazakhstan is one of the most strategically important states in Central Asia, consistently balancing between Russia, China, and the West, including the United States, which has security and economic interests in the region. Although the United States cooperates with Kazakhstan in military training and security matters, the country remains close to Russia and pursues a multi-vector foreign policy. At the same time, Kazakhstan is important to Lithuania as well – it is one of Lithuania’s key economic partners in Central Asia.
In the current geopolitical context, initiatives to establish the position of Vice President of Kazakhstan, as well as to move toward a unicameral parliament, raise questions: is this an attempt to transform the political system after three decades of Nursultan Nazarbayev’s rule, or rather an effort to strengthen security, ensure continuity of power, and avoid scenarios of instability and elite conflict typical of the region?
A central element of constitutional and institutional reforms in Kazakhstan is the reorganization of the executive branch and the creation of the office of Vice President.
The institution of the Vice President is directly linked to presidential powers and the president’s role in the political system. In parliamentary systems, presidential powers are largely symbolic and ceremonial (Germany, Italy, Latvia), and therefore there is no vice president, although Cyprus and Switzerland are exceptions. In semi-presidential or parliamentary-presidential systems (France, Poland, Lithuania), a vice president is also generally unnecessary due to the limited powers of the president, though such a position may exist, as in Bulgaria. Typically, only presidential systems have a vice president. The classic example is the United States.
Around 150 countries worldwide have presidents. In 73 countries, there is currently a vice president or an equivalent position.
The primary function of a vice president is to assume the presidency until new presidential elections are held if the office becomes vacant (due to death, incapacity, resignation, or impeachment and removal from office).
However, to claim that vice presidents serve solely to replace a president in the event of vacancy would significantly underestimate the importance of the role. A vice president not only stabilizes the system by ensuring predictable and immediate succession but also helps maintain continuity in overall policy direction.
The proposed establishment of the Vice President’s office in Kazakhstan and the clarification of the executive hierarchy are aimed at institutionalizing continuity and the delegation of authority. This step increases predictability in governance and ensures leadership continuity while strengthening the vertical structure of presidential power.
Legislative reforms, including a possible transition to a unicameral parliament, are primarily intended to improve legislative efficiency.
Bicameral parliaments are usually the result of historical development and federal systems. Many countries inherited bicameral structures from medieval representative institutions. Some established bicameral parliaments to represent federal units. Kazakhstan is a relatively young unitary state, meaning there are no traditional incentives to maintain a bicameral parliament.
According to data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), there are currently 188 national parliaments worldwide. Of these, 81 are bicameral and 107 are unicameral.
In recent decades, unicameral parliaments have been established in Iceland (1991), Croatia (2001), Norway (2009), Fiji (2013), and Mauritania (2017). In addition, after 1990, 10 of the 15 post-Soviet states adopted unicameral parliaments. Of the seven countries of the former Yugoslavia, four have unicameral legislatures. The general trend in recent decades has been a shift toward unicameral parliaments.
The main arguments in favor of transitioning to a unicameral parliament are related to increasing the efficiency and transparency of the legislative process.
First, simplifying the parliamentary structure by eliminating one chamber reduces institutional complexity and accelerates the legislative process. This decreases the likelihood of internal vetoes and prolonged negotiations between chambers, makes the process more efficient, and simplifies public accountability mechanisms.
Second, a unicameral system enhances transparency and clarity of responsibility. When there is only one legislative body, it assumes full and indivisible responsibility for adopted decisions.
Third, a unicameral parliament strengthens direct legitimacy. Such a system emphasizes directly elected representatives of the people, reducing the role of appointed or indirectly elected elites that often make up upper chambers.
Finally, an important practical argument is cost savings and the rationalization of governance. Maintaining two chambers, including their administrative apparatus, infrastructure, and procedures, requires significant financial and administrative resources. Transitioning to a unicameral model allows these costs to be reduced.
President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev continues constitutional reforms and proposes restructuring the parliament by retaining only the lower house and renaming it from “Mazhilis” to “Kurultai.”
The use of constitutional referendums and consultative forums such as the Kurultai helps strengthen the legitimacy of the political system.
Special emphasis on the Kurultai, as a historically rooted and culturally specific institution, serves a narrative function. It reinforces the idea that Kazakhstan’s political evolution is sovereign, distinctive, and not borrowed from elsewhere. This aligns with global discussions on “civilizational diversity.”
In Europe, broad consultative forums exist that allow societal proposals to be conveyed outside formal legislative institutions; however, they are usually technocratic in nature and specialize in specific sectors rather than functioning as broad political system–level assemblies.
Certain practices in Latin America show closer functional similarities to Kazakhstan’s Kurultai in terms of political symbolism and the relationship between the executive branch and society. National dialogue forums or similar institutions in countries such as Bolivia and Ecuador have become platforms for broad consultation and mobilization, often involving social movements and civil society in discussions on policy or reform issues.
In 2022, Kazakhstan’s constitutional and institutional reforms were implemented gradually and managed from above, with the leadership presenting them as modernization without regime change. The reforms helped avoid crisis and preserved executive continuity.
With the 2026 reforms, Kazakhstan will likely become a country with an even more consolidated, predictable, and legitimized presidential system.
The commentary is based on statements by Professor Dr. Algis Krupavičius of the Institute of Management and Political Sciences at Mykolas Romeris University, delivered on Qazaqstan TV, “Kazakhstanskaya Pravda,” and “Liter.kz.”
